Archaeology and Preservation of Gendered Landscapes

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She graduated in thinking she would go straight to graduate school but quickly learned that she wasn't sure what she wanted to research. Instead, Erin spent a year as a shovel bum before going to graduate school at Georgia State University to study outlier sites related to Chaco Canyon. She graduated with her M. A in Anthropology in and moved to New Mexico to start work on her Ph.

Along the way she completed a second M. A in anthropology and landed a full time job with the Forest Service. After eight years with the federal government, Erin resigned to focus on finishing her Ph. Her dissertation, titled The Past in the Present: Federal Determinations of Cultural Affiliation and Implications for the Practice of Archaeology , examines how different federal agencies in two geographic areas go through the process of determining cultural affiliation, as required by NAGPRA. The goals of her research are to: 1 identify the processes and lines of evidence used by federal agencies to determine cultural affiliation, 2 examine variability in the processes and investigate why variability occurs, 3 generate recommendations for successfully completing determinations, and 4 understand how these determination have impacted or continue to impact the practice of archaeology.

Among her public outreach efforts, Erin will create a NAGPRA website for a general audience with materials for example, an informational brochure, her dissertation, and a PowerPoint presentation that can be downloaded for use by agencies, tribal communities, and the public.

She also will include a blog on the website to post information about recent actions involving NAGPRA, with appropriate links, and respond to questions from the public. Update on Previous Research Scholarship Recipients. Chiao-Yen Yang successfully defended her University of Washington dissertation in the Spring of Using a cultural resilience perspective, she studied the cultural states of these two internationally famous cultural heritage resources. Chiao-Yen analyzed institutional preservation policies and the impact of contrasting policies on heritage resources and local communities.

She also investigated how understanding the adaptation of local cultural practices and resilience can contribute to new practices in historic preservation in Asia, including extant practices of UNESCO and other international organizations. She found that the UNESCO WH site of Lijiang was in a degraded to decoupled cultural state whereas the non-WH site of Bagan was in a healthier but degraded cultural state with some continuity of local cultural practices.

Based on her public outreach efforts with a variety of stakeholders locals, professional preservationists, government officials , Chiao-Yen suggests that a paradigm shift is needed in heritage conservation in Asia. Specifically, the new approach needs to re-establish and protect the connections between built environment and local cultural practices, respect traditional local practices, account for local adaptation to changes, and enable democratic participation of local communities in preservation policies and practices.

Chiao-Yen currently resides in Taiwan and is pursuing her interests in community development, urban planning, environmental laws and policy and cultural preservation and development in ethnic communities. Using census records, historical documentation, artifacts, survey and excavation data, and oral interview, he examined how the material culture of enslaved laborers at Historic St Mary's City reflected the transition from slavery to freedom and how their actions before and after Emancipation resulted in establishing places where families and communities maintained their identity in the face of oppression.

As part of his research, Terry created an attractive and effective on-line exhibit, social network, and blog entitled, We All Walked Together. Terry is currently a Research Archaeologist with the Montpelier Foundation, which is the plantation home of James Madison, fourth president of the United States. He continues to conduct research and participates in a variety of public outreach projects and programs.

Elsbeth L. Elsbeth's dissertation research examined the archaeological history of communities living along the Mountain Fork River from ad to better understand the relationships between sociopolitical dynamics, ceremonial practices, and maize production. Her research suggests that the Mountain Fork communities encompassed an integrated but nonhierarchial political entity characterized by decentralized leadership, in which maize was cultivated primarily for household consumption. Elsbeth recently developed a traveling exhibit to increase public understanding of both Caddo heritage and of archaeological methods.

She hopes it also will promote archaeological stewardship by emphasizing continuities from the past to the present. The exhibit focused on food, home, and social life. Community consultation, particularly with the Caddo, was an integral aspect of exhibit development. Elsbeth's exhibit was accompanied by public presentations, handouts, and pamphlets for local libraries and schools. The exhibit will be displayed at multiple locations in southeastern Oklahoma before heading to central Oklahoma, where it will find a permanent home with the Caddo Heritage Museum.

Shane Miller defended his University of Arizona dissertation in the spring of The research entitled, From Colonization to Domestication: A Historical Ecological Analysis of Paleoindian and Archaic Subsistence and Landscape Use in Central Tennessee , seeks to understand how prehistoric hunter-gatherers were able to successfully colonize this area and adapt to subsequent climate change during the late Pleistocene through mid-Holocene time periods.

In particular, Shane examined the trajectory in prehistoric subsistence that led to the domestication of indigenous plants, such as goosefoot and maygrass, roughly 5, calendar years ago. To data, Shane has used analyses of his research as the basis for multiple conference papers and public lectures.

He has plans to communicate his results through peer-reviewed journal articles, public lectures, and a publication written for a general audience. He is also co-director, along with David G. Kelly L. Jenks defended her University of Arizona dissertation in April Based on archaeological fieldwork and archival research, Kelly argued that identities are forged through interaction as people simultaneously seek to distinguish themselves from—and are influenced by—other populations.

This term is a civic social category rather than an ethnic term, and it characterizes individuals as residents and members of a Hispanic corporate community. Kelly described how frontier interactions shaped vecino identity and interpreted her understandings within a framework derived from theories of cultural contact, identity, and practice.

Kelly currently is transforming her dissertation into a series of professional peer-reviewed articles and articles in public-oriented magazines and newspapers. Douglass and William M. Kelly has also presented her dissertation and subsequent research as numerous conference presentations and public lectures. She also is developing graphic media to share her research results with community members in San Miguel, possibly displayed at nearby Pecos National Historical Park.

Her goal is to understand how social, cultural, and economic changes impacted the lives of enslaved laborers during the antebellum period in rural Virginia using a historic archeology approach. The results of Lee's research have already been incorporated into printed booklets, a permanent exhibit, and docent guidelines at one of Thomas Jefferson's homes—Popular Forest—that is now a historic house museum. Lori already has written several peer-reviewed articles and book chapters concerning her topic. She will defend her dissertation research in the autumn of She also received funding from the National Science Foundation to conduct her ceramic INAA and petrofacies studies and develop public outreach products.

Often, men left the village for military campaigns against regional nomadic Indian groups, to engage in reciprocal captive raiding and rescue operations. The women of Casitas Viejas structured the layout and operation of the village through household industries and scheduling of ritual processions. Today, the descendant Indo-Hispano community is interested in mobilizing their connections to Casitas Viejas, via the archaeology, in current conflicts surrounding land and water use that confront many Northern New Mexico land grant communities.

In Chapter 8, Sherene Baugher analyzes complex intersections between gender and class power dynamics on the landscape of a well-endowed, private charitable institution for aged and injured sailors in Staten Island, New York. The grand buildings and landscape looked more like an elite resort than an almshouse complex.

The cultural landscape included spaces defined by gender, occupation, and economics. Both men and women were provided with plentiful food and amenities in their homes such as big bedrooms with large windows, indoor plumbing, water closets, and sewer lines. Finally, Baugher discusses challenges to 1 Introduction 11 landscape preservation caused by piecemeal development and the lack of a unified master plan to retain historic aspects of the grounds while transforming them into a cultural center.

A feminist theoretical approach is particularly relevant because variation in gender relations and power dynamics was at the heart of the development of diverse Jewish sects involving different degrees of adoption of Protestant practices by Jews of different ethnic groups and classes. The variety and spatial network among Jewish institutional landscapes expressed the varying amount of gender, ethnic, class, and age segregation among different groups of Jews. Jewish-American identities developed as Jewish gender ideologies, identities, and power dynamics fluidly changed, expressed in landscapes of synagogues and charitable institutions.

Finally, Spencer-Wood discusses how the gendered landscape of the last surviving Orthodox synagogue was preserved through cooperation among several preservation organizations and local Jewish and community organizations. The next section focuses further on the intersection of gender and religious power dynamics that were introduced in Chapter 9. This section includes chapters on the symbolism of gendered landscapes of religious communities and houses of worship constructed by and for marginalized social groups.

In this section Chapters 10 and 11 analyze gender power dynamics in Shaker religious communities, which were unusual in admitting African-Americans as well as whites to equal membership in the community, despite some negative reactions in the dominant culture. Chapter 12 analyzes how Chinese immigrants in California sought to maintain their religion, culture, and identity while surrounded by a Euro-American community.

Chapter 10 and 11 focus on a specific type of religious community — gendered Shaker landscapes. David Starbuck and Paula Dennis Chapter 10 provide a broad overview of Shaker life and ideals and then focus on the egalitarian gender power dynamics in the Shaker community landscape of Canterbury Village in New Hampshire. In the 19th century, the Shakers sought to achieve a separation from worldly concerns in their closed communities. Then the discussion turns to issues of preservation balanced by reconstruction and access for tourists, and the impacts of local development, including a noisy speedway impeding the portrayal of quiet rural Shaker lifeways.

In Chapter 11, Kim McBride analyzes the gendered landscape of a Shaker community in Pleasant Hill, Kentucky, which was known for its independence and its strong male and female leaders. McBride compares aspects of ideology and 12 S. Baugher power in gendered spaces at Pleasant Hill to those in traditional Shaker communities. The construction and use of the washhouse and its landscape express cooperative powers between the different gendered tasks of men and women.

Finally, McBride discusses the powers of cooperation among modern groups to overcome hurdles to preserving the site, and issues of material authenticity in interpretation of the site versus the safety needs of modern visitors. Because of restrictive U. Therefore, many Chinese communities in the west were primarily male communities. Archaeological excavations revealed secular and sacred spaces of these men in Cambria and in their work locations on the California coast. The Chinese men who gathered seaweed or abalone off the rocks lived in solitary isolation along the coast, but came together occasionally in a small community on land owned by a white woman.

The men cooperatively erected their own temple so that they could socialize and worship in their new land. The landscape of the temple included the traditional tree of heaven, an exotic planting that reminded them of their homeland. Greenwood links the past and the present in her discussion of cooperative efforts to preserve the temple and interpret the historic significance of this site to the public.

The final section focuses on intersecting gender, class, ethnic or racial power dynamics in mining landscapes. In Chapter 13, Donald Hardesty uses a heterarchical model of power networks involving diverse situational, changing, and constantly negotiated interactions on mining landscapes in the far west. Men cooperatively cut, shaped, and altered the landscapes of the mines and they also transformed the surrounding natural landscape for cultural uses.

But the landscapes were more than the mines — they also included small residential camps or company towns. Hardesty analyzes how intersecting gender, class, and racial power dynamics shaped the construction and use of mining landscapes, from kinds and arrangements of structures in mining camps and towns to relationships among towns in a region, and consumer choice Spencer-Wood b linkages to the world system landscape.

Hardesty further analyzes how modern mining and tourism affect the preservation and interpretation of the gendered mining landscapes. In Chapter 14, Karen Metheny examines a coal mining community in Pennsylvania. She analyzes the importance of women as well as men in cooperatively creating a community out of the paternalistic company town within a corporate industrial landscape.

Within the community Metheny analyzes divisions of status based on age, sex, ethnicity, religion, and economics. While men altered the landscape of the mines, women helped shape the landscape of the neighborhoods. Families cooperated to survive by creating gardens in their company yards, altering their company houses, and using health services provided by the company.

The future of the archaeological site is endangered by capitalism, since strip mining has destroyed half of the historic company town. The volume is brought together at the end in a commentary by Suzanne SpencerWood that discusses how chapters in this gendered landscape volume implicitly or explicitly exemplify her heterarchical theoretical framework of complex and fluid power dynamics, due to the intersections of gender, class, race, religion, and other social dimensions of identity.

Taken as a whole this volume brings new perspectives to the archaeological analysis of gendered landscapes. The scope of the field of landscape archaeology is expanded by this volume to include a variety of vernacular gendered landscapes that had not been previously considered as landscape archaeology. These vernacular gendered landscapes are particularly important for archaeologists to analyze because minorities rather than the dominant social group created them.

Minorities are the groups that develop alternative gender ideologies, identities, relationships and power dynamics, leading to changes in dominant group ways of shaping landscapes. If we are to understand how gendered landscapes changed historically, it is imperative to research how women and men in minority groups created their gendered landscapes, and how these ideas spread and came to be adopted as normative in the culture as a whole, thereby transforming American gendered landscapes.

References Alanen, Arnold R. Melnick eds. John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Maryland. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 5 1 : 45— University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Cassell, Mark S. Historical Archaeology 39 3. Oxford University Press, New York. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 5 1 : 19— Delle, James A. Historical Archaeology 33 1 : — International Journal of Historical Archaeology 3 1 : 11— Delle, S.

Mrozowski, and R. Paynter, pp: — University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Fesler, Garrett R. Galle and A. Young, pp: — Garman, J. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 2 2 : — Groth, Paul and Todd W. Bressi eds. Hardesty, Donald L. Scott, pp: — The University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Huataniemi, Susan I. Rotman To the Hogs or to the House? Rotman and E. Savulis, pp: — Hudgins, Carter L.

Kelso and R. Most, pp: 59— James, P. Kelso, Gerald K. De Cunzo and B. Herman, pp: — Kelso, William M. Most eds. University Press of Virginia, Charlotte. Ketz, Anne K. Abel, and A. Paul Bordello. Historical Archaeology 39 1 : 74— Leone, Mark P. In Ideology, Power and Prehistory, edited by D. Miller and C. Tilley, pp: 25— Most, pp: 23— Mayne, Alan and Tim Murray eds. Mitchell, W. Thomas, ed. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois. Morris, William, ed. American Heritage Publishing Co.

Mrozowski, Stephen A. Beaudry Archaeology and the Landscape of Corporate Ideology. Most, pp: —, University of Virginia Press, Charlottesville. Mrozowski, Stephen A, James A. Delle and Robert Paynter eds. University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Yamin and K. Metheny, pp: 70— Metheny, pp: 6— Noble, Allen G. Orser, Charles E. Leone, and P. Potter, Jr. Smithsonian Institutions Press, Washington, D. Plenum, New York, New York. Pappas, Efstathios I. Barile and J. Brandon, pp: — University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Paynter, Robert and Randall H.

In The Archaeology of Inequality, edited by J. Paynter, pp: 1— Basil Blackwell, London, UK. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 5 1 : 73— Pogue, Dennis J. Metheny, pp: 52— Rajaram, Prem K. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis-St. Rotman, Deborah L. The University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville. Shackel Paul A. Historical Archaeology 37 3. Spencer-Wood, Suzanne M. Historical Archaeology 21 2 : 7— Plenum, New York. Landscape Journal 13 2 : — University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

Funari, M. Hall and S. Jones, pp: — Routledge, London, UK. Savulis, pp: 24— Historical Archaeology 40 1 : — Beisaw and J. Gibb, pp: — The University of Albama Press, Tuscaloosa. Spude, Catherine H. Historical Archaeology 29 1 : 89— Stilgoe, John R. Symonds, J. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 3 2 : — VanBueren, Thad ed. Historical Archaeology 40 1 1— Historical Archaeology 40 1 — Van Wormer, Heather M.

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Venables, Robert W. Vecsey and R. Venables, pp: 81— Jemison and A. Schein, pp: 96— I Conquest of a Continent. Baugher Voss, Barbara L. In Archaeologies of Sexuality, edited by R. Schmidt, and B. Voss, pp: 35— Routledge, London. University of California Press, Berkeley. Weber, Carmen A. Metheny, pp: 32— Yamin, Rebecca and Karen B. Metheny eds. Rotman and Ellen-Rose Savulis, pp: — Zierden, Martha A. Venables You who are wise must know, that different Nations have different Conceptions. Canasatego A Haudenosaunee Spokesman addressing English Colonial Officials in Recorded by Benjamin Franklin1 The way a society divides up the land says a great deal about the way the society divides up itself.

This author is not convinced. Venables Fig. The degrees of differences are similar to those between French, Italian, and Spanish within the Romance language family. To reinforce their population, the Haudenosaunee adopted individuals from other Indian nations and even adopted whole nations such as the Tuscaroras. One of the longest longhouses was built by the Onondagas in one of their towns that archaeologists have named the Howlett Hill Site.

This town was about six miles southwest of present-day Syracuse. This Onondaga longhouse measured feet long and 23 feet wide and was occupied by the Onondagas between AD and Tuck —82; Nabokov and Eston —79, Typical longhouses sheltered dozens of people and were constructed of arched saplings, poles, and large bark sheets.

In , John Bartram visited the Onondagas and described the longhouse he stayed in: about 80 feet long, and 17 broad, the common [center] passage 6 feet wide; and the apartments on each side, 5 feet, raised a foot above the passage by a long sapling hewed square, and fitted with joints that go from it to the back of the house; on these joists they lay large pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions spread matts made of rushes, this favour we had; on these [raised] floors they set or lye down every one as he will Bartram — Since the Haudenosaunee are a centuries-old confederacy of different Indian nations, the multifamily longhouse is a fitting symbol.

To the west of the Mohawks are the Oneidas. The Cayugas reside west of the Onondagas. Venables The intention of this chapter is to present Haudenosaunee concepts of a gendered landscape that will enrich the professional work of archaeologists, landscape architects, and preservationists.

This is because the whole Haudenosaunee worldview is gendered, beginning with the origin account what the West would term Genesis. This origin account is too complex to describe in a chapter that focuses on the physical landscape. But briefly stated, the Haudenosaunee origin account begins in a Sky World above this earth.

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Spiritual beings, both female and male, live in this Sky World. Pregnant, she falls from the Sky World down toward a primal sea where there is no land. Canadian Geese break her fall, interlocking their wings to form a lattice of support. A great turtle agrees to allow Iotsitsisen to take refuge upon his back Fig. The turtle knew that muck lay at the sea bottom, and so Beaver, Otter, and Pickerel each try to reach the bottom to bring up some of the mud. Each of them dies.

The little Muskrat then tries, and Fig. When his tiny body floats to the surface, he has a bit of muck clutched in his paw. The earth that Sky Woman magically creates becomes known as Mother Earth. Instead, it is the transformation of a preexisting seascape into a landscape. This transformation is accomplished by spiritual forces who cooperate with existing mortals such as the geese, fish, and turtles. Each longhouse is a gendered landscape. Descent among the Haudenosaunee was, and still is, matrilineal Hewitt Within each longhouse, everyone was related either directly or by marriage to the eldest female resident.

A longhouse was entered through doors at either end — doors that were often sheltered by a smaller, roofed porch. A painted symbol of a clan was often above the door of each longhouse van den Bogaert ; Morgan — A new husband moved into the longhouse of his wife, mother-in-law, and grandmother-in-law Tooker —; Shafer — His new wife is a Wolf, and so every day he passes beneath the sign of the Wolf.

Imagine now a small town in present-day America in which every mailbox along every street is emblazoned with the name of the wife, not the husband, who lives in and owns each home. Quite a contrast! Now imagine entering a tall apartment building in a big American city and, in the lobby, seeing a list of apartments and a list of mailboxes that announce the names of the wives, not 4 This account is a composite of what the author has learned over the years from elders and from sources such as Parker 59—73; Fenton 34—50; and Shenandoah and George 8 and Venables the husbands, who live here.

Finally, imagine that all these homes and apartment buildings belong to women. There is no Donald Trump. Upon entering any Haudenosaunee longhouse, everything except the personal accessories and clothing of the men belongs to the women Schoolcraft —89; Morgan ; Brown If a Haudenosaunee woman wanted to divorce her husband, she put his belongings outside the door.

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Because the murder of a woman also eliminated future children, the crime of killing a woman by a man was regarded as twice as serious as a man killing another man. But if a woman killed a woman, the crime was regarded as even worse. Murders were usually compensated by gifts, including gifts of wampum — tubular shell beads, which were regarded as having spiritual life. To spare a murderer of either sex, the aggrieved family received at least 10 strings of wampum. For a male murdered by another male, 10 strings of wampum; for a woman murdered by a man, 20 strings of wampum; and for a woman murdered by another woman, 30 strings of wampum Hewitt — All this may at first appear to be clear components of a matriarchy — simply the gender opposite of the Western European and American system of patriarchy.

However, Haudenosaunee society is not a matriarchy, nor is it a patriarchy. Progress — the adaptation to new ideas — was important, but not as important as balance. In turn, balance does not work without equality, and thus equality pervades the entire Haudenosaunee worldview.

These oral traditions are supported by Morgan 66 and Brown — White beads were most often made from periwinkle shells. Wampum also includes purple shell beads, primarily made from quahog shells Hewitt b: II, —; and Beauchamp , , and All life is equal in our perception Lyons All these life forms have different functions.

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Because all life forms are equal, all life forms must be equally respected, and thus the world functions through reciprocity. All beings in the world are therefore interdependent. While all life forms are equal, all beings maintain different spheres of responsibility, different functions. The Haudenosaunee worldview begins with the idea that each human being and every other being are exactly who the Creator intended. Every being has an equal soul; every being is equal; and every being has a divinely mandated, different function.

Thus the Haudenosaunee worldview applies to all life, not just human life. Hunters thanked the spirits of the animals they hunted before they began the hunt, and they thanked the spirits of those animals after they had completed a hunt, on the premise that the animals and the humans knew that all life was dependent upon the other Engelbrecht —5.

The Haudenosaunee concept of interdependent life in turn depended upon the idea that prayers and ceremonies could rebalance the value of a material life with intangible, spiritual actions. This even applied to enemies, as the Haudenosaunee ended wars in condolence ceremonies during which they accepted responsibility for the pain and death they had caused the other side, and asked the other side to do the same, as both sides were being watched by the Creator Vimont —, XXVII, —; Jennings et al. Because the Haudenosaunee worldview is incorporative and seeks to balance what is perceived to be a world inhabited by spiritually equal beings, the Haudenosaunee worldview is still evident today in their spiritual perception of the non-Indians who now occupy so much of their homelands.

Chief Shenandoah, referring to all the non-Indian human inhabitants throughout the Americas, remarked: 7 In , John Bartram observed a hunter thanking the spirit of a bear he had killed Bartram Venables For some reason, the Creator has allowed you to stay. But I do know that we will have to work it out together personal communication, Geneva, New York, April This is not to say, either in history or today, that the Haudenosaunee never made mistakes, for indeed they have and indeed they still do.

But when they make mistakes, they ask different questions and pose different solutions based on their worldview — a worldview, it must be stressed, that is what the Creator intended them to follow, and not simply a human invention. This worldview is today not necessarily held by all Haudenosaunee, because many have become Christians. Haudenosaunee women were responsible for the longhouses, the towns of longhouses, and the communal agricultural fields. Parker, a Seneca who was also one of the important archaeologists of the early twentieth century, described how the land was cleared of trees: Land for cornfields was cleared by girdling the trees in the spring, and allowing them to die.

The next spring the underbrush was burned off.

Archaeology and local communities in the study of historical landscapes - 7 marzo 2017

By burning off tracts in the forest large clearings were made suitable for fields and towns Parker a Some of the towns were stockaded Fig. Although hilltop towns provided superior defenses when compared to towns in valleys or flatlands, the presence or absence of stockades was not related to their location. Thus stockaded towns could be found in lowlands as well as on hilltops, and towns without stockades could be found both on high and low ground van den Bogaert —5. People from towns without palisades probably took refuge in nearby fortified towns van den Bogaert , 7, 27 at fn.

Note two clan symbols — Turtle and Wolf — at the entrances of two of the longhouses. A raised corn storage house silo is on the left. By John Kahionhes Fadden Mohawk described as already devastating the Mohawk people, was another factor shaping the Haudenosaunee landscape. A dispersal of people lessened the quick spread of that disease and may explain the existence of Mohawk towns without stockades Engelbrecht By the late s, all the Haudenosaunee were dispersing into small satellite communities that would lessen the impact of European diseases.

As matrilineages were decimated by disease, longhouses were giving way to smaller bark home called a Ganosote. Van den Bogaert described Onekahoncka, a Mohawk town on the south bank of the Mohawk River near what is now Fultonville. Onekahoncka stood on a high hill. There were only 36 houses, row on row in the manner of streets, so that we easily could pass through.

These houses are constructed and covered with the bark of trees. Some are , 90, or 80 steps long; 22 or 23 feet high. There were also some interior doors made of split planks furnished with iron hinges. In some houses we also saw ironwork: iron chains, bolts, harrow teeth, iron hoops [and] spikes van den Bogaert —4 and 29 at fn.

Because the Mohawks, along with the other Haudenosaunee, are a communal people, one can only wonder how the division of the longhouse interiors by doors with iron hinges might have altered the matrilineal dynamics of the longhouse and the town. To the west of Onekahoncka, Van den Bogaert described another town, also on the south bank of the Mohawk River, the 30 R. It had 55 houses, some steps and others more or less as large. The castle was [in the past] surrounded with three rows of palisades.

However, now there were only 6 or 7 [posts] left van den Bogaert It is possible that the remaining stockade logs standing as silent sentinels around this Mohawk town had not been removed because smallpox had reduced the available labor. The post molds of logs such as these may have a different consistency when compared to the post molds of the other logs in a palisade, and archaeologists might consider the difference in post molds as a possible indication of labor exhaustion brought on by smallpox, rather than the equally compelling possibility that these logs were newer replacements in an existing stockade.

However one might interpret other sites, it is probably too late to interpret the Mohawk town of Tenotoge because archaeologists believe that this once formidable town now lies under the traffic speeding east and west along the New York State Thruway van den Bogaert at fn. In , Wentworth Greenhalgh, an English trader, visited Onondaga and described how The Clearings — the main Onondaga town and corn fields — were very large; consisting of about houses, nott fenced [no defensive stockade]; is situate[d] upon a hill thatt is very large, the banke on each side extending itself att least two miles, all cleared land, whereon the corne is planted Greenhalgh —I, The archaeologist James A.

The women were especially focused on the cultivation of corn, beans, and squash. The corn grew upward from her breasts. Recalling this source, the women planted the corn in mounds of earth shaped like breasts, a practice which simultaneously meant that the women were practicing nonintrusive agriculture Fig. There were also extensive trails crisscrossing the landscape, many of which 8 I would like to thank Chief Irving Powless, Jr. Onondaga , and Oren Lyons Onondaga for their insights into the complex nature of the Clearings and the Woods and for all the other insights they have generously shared with me since I am also grateful to Rick Hill Tuscarora for his insights regarding the Clearings and the Woods that he shared with me in and Two examples are Routes 5 and 20 that run east—west across upstate New York.

Although The Woods were the primary responsibility of the men, women and men both engaged in trade. The Woods also included the sites of abandoned towns and abandoned fields. Some abandoned fields had been vacant for decades and even centuries, while the more recently abandoned fields were being encouraged to rejuvenate their strengths by lying fallow Engelbrecht —; Fenton —; Dennis 9 Major Haudenosaunee trails, which can then be compared to a contemporary highway map, are defined in Morgan and Engelbrecht Venables —; Tooker — The density of many parts of The Woods was described in by John Bartram: We observed the tops of the trees to be so close to one another for many miles together, that there is no seeing which way the clouds drive, nor which way the wind sets: and it seems almost as if the sun had never shone on the ground, since the creation Bartram Because Haudenosaunee agricultural fields were the responsibility of women Brown — , the locations of the fields and the towns reflected the choices of women.

When the women realized that their fields were becoming less fertile, they would know it was time to move to a town — something that occurred every Fig. The decorated castellated collar rim of the pot over the fire demonstrates a balance of aesthetics and practicality, as the collar supports a cord so that the pot can be suspended over the cooking fire. By John Kahionhes Fadden Mohawk 10 Although written for high school students, an excellent summary of the balance between the Clearings and the Woods is related by Hazel W.

This gendered landscape carried over into daily life. Thus when a husband killed a deer and brought the deer from The Woods into The Clearings, the deer became the responsibility of his wife and her clan. The women cooked the deer as well as other foods from The Woods such as fish and geese. The women also cooked the crops they raised Fig. Mother Earth had been created by the spiritual power of Sky Woman.

Even more profoundly, as the women — and the men — worked at their tasks, they believed — and still believe — that their future children are just beneath the surface of Mother Earth, looking up at the current generation. When a Haudenosaunee man acquired trade goods acquired from other Indian nations or from the Europeans, those goods became the responsibility of the women as soon as those goods entered The Clearings.

But the basic divisions between women and men of The Clearings and The Woods were practical and flexible. Thus in The Clearings, the men were the primary builders of the longhouses and of the stockades. The men helped clear the fields of trees by girdling, felling, and burning the trees.

Although women usually harvested the crops, if the harvest had to be brought in quickly, the men assisted the women. The flexibility of Haudenosaunee society was also seen when women, and children, helped the men fish in The Woods, where seasonal camps were set up on the banks of rivers and lakes. Both men and women traveled through The Woods — on trails or on waterways — to trade with other Haudenosaunee communities and with neighboring nations.

Women, protected by the laws and customs of the Confederacy, could travel across The Woods without warrior escort, as noted in December when the Dutch colonist, Harmen Meyndertsz van den Bogaert, encountered several women staying alone in a cabin. This was evidently one of the cabins the Haudenosaunee established throughout The Woods for the use of travelers van den Bogaert —4. That same month, while van den Bogaert was in a Mohawk village in the Mohawk Valley, he noted the arrival of three women.

They were Oneidas from the area of Oneida Lake to the west of the Mohawk towns. These three women had carried dried salmon at least miles, salmon which they then sold in at least two Mohawk villages: 34 R. Before the pots were fired, they were formed without the use of a wheel, making their balance and structure all the more remarkable. Castellated collars rims often included sacred effigies or small faces maskettes , represented here by a small circle above the collar of the middle pot Three women came here.

They also brought much green tobacco to sell, and had been six days underway. They could not sell all their salmon here, but went with it to the first castle [that is, a Mohawk village further east] van den Bogaert A balanced reality calls for pragmatic solutions. The principle of balance carried over into Haudenosaunee politics. All the chiefs in The Clearings are men, thus balancing the matrilineal nature of The Clearings.

However, the responsibility of appointing male chiefs rests with the clan mothers after they have consulted with the women of their clan. A chief serves for life unless a clan mother, on the advice of the other women in her clan, deposes him. Religious ceremonies and government councils were communal, with shared responsibilities reflecting the Haudenosaunee concept of maintaining balance.

For example, Benjamin Franklin described the balance of a council meeting: The old Men sit in the foremost Ranks, the Warriors in the next, and the Women and Children in the hindmost. The Business of the Women is to take exact notice of what passes, imprint it on their Memories, for they have no Writing, and communicate it to their Children. They are the Records of the Council, and they preserve Tradition of the Stipulations in Treaties a hundred Years back, which when we compare with our Writings we always find exact Franklin These lacrosse games were usually played in The Clearings, but occasionally lacrosse could also be played in The Woods, as noted by the French officer Louis Antoine de Bougainville in de Bougainville The origin of lacrosse was spiritual.

Historically, women placed the bets on the outcome of the lacrosse games played by men because the women possessed most of the goods that were either created in or brought into The Clearings. Lacrosse is more than a game because it involves sacred and religious components that are not a part of the sport played by non-Indians.

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A game can be played, for example, to help heal a sick woman, man, or child Mitchell et al. The Interdependent Landscapes of Confederacy, Nation, and Clan Haudenosaunee women and men did not and do not define themselves as only members of the Confederacy. Matrilineal clans were the glue that tied people to the whole confederacy because unlike the individual nations that made up the Confederacy, the clans stretched across national boundaries to include the entire Confederacy.

Through their clans, people from one nation literally had relatives in one or more other nations across the Confederacy. When visiting another town or village, women and men could stay within the longhouses of their respective clans. Lawrence Valley and fought on the side of the French, while their Mohawk brethren in the Mohawk Valley — some of whom were Protestants, while most were traditional — fought on the side of the British.

Venables where they did not have a clan affiliation, or visitors who were not Haudenosaunee such as Europeans , were provided with special housing. The people in the towns and nations were also divided in half each half is called a moiety by anthropologists. This added still another dimension to a complex personal identity Fenton — The number of clans was severely reduced by an epidemic disease accidentally introduced by the Europeans, and it is therefore unknown if each clan once existed in every one of the nations within the confederacy.

There may have been others Speck Despite the European epidemics, the Turtle Fig. Other clans survived, such as the Deer and Eel, but not in all of the nations. But The Woods are simultaneously recognized as being divided into the borders of those five founding Confederacy nations Gibson — The boundaries of these five nations are more accurately described as national spheres of responsibility and influence.

In this context, The Woods are the equal responsibility of the Confederacy as a whole and, in their different locales, the responsibility of one of the five founding nations. Because there is no ultimate sovereign power, these simultaneous and equal responsibilities have no real parallel in Western law, including Western property law.

These simultaneous and equal responsibilities are also what make the Confederacy a unique and delicate balance of equal responsibilities among its confederate parts. The separation of territories into The Clearings and The Woods evidently existed in some form prior to the founding of the Confederacy. The specific details of the concepts could have been different — for example, before the Confederacy was founded, it is not known whether the women or the men controlled The Clearings.

However, even before the founding of the Confederacy Parker , there was an established ritual expected whenever people wished to emerge from The Woods 2 The Clearings and The Woods 37 Fig. The Haudenosaunee worldview of balance — of genders, ages, and all human characteristics — mean that all are equal but different, including differences in personalities and abilities and enter any of The Clearings.

Approaching humans fell into two categories: those who came in peace and those who were enemies. Of course it was unlikely that enemies would announce themselves, but an announcement of peaceful intentions was ritualized. If one or more of those within an approaching party was Haudenosaunee or already respected by them, that person might go ahead and alert a town that visitors were close by Bartram At The Edge of the Woods, a person was expected to light a fire or to shout loudly. Venables the visitor and to escort the visitor or visitors into The Clearings and into the town.

Tradition records that leaders such as Hayonhwatha Hiawatha , the Onondaga who assisted The Peacemaker, carried out this ceremony during the long process that led to the founding of the Confederacy. For example, when Hayonhwatha and some warriors approached a Mohawk town, he stopped before emerging from The Edge of the The Woods. As described by the Seneca archaeologist Arthur C. Parker: This was the custom, to make a smoke so that the town might know that visitors were approaching and send word that they might enter without danger to their lives.

The Mohawks knew the meaning of the signal so they sent messengers and invited the party into the village Parker For example, in , a group of Mohawks were escorting three Dutch traders westward, out of Mohawk lands and into the lands of the Oneidas. The Mohawk escorts stopped just a short distance from the first Oneida town — the first Oneida Clearing.

We fired our weapons, which we reloaded, and then we went to the castle town surrounded by a wooden palisade van den Bogaert In , Abraham Schuyler and five other colonial New York emissaries accompanied Mohawks, Oneidas, and Cayugas to a council at the capital of the Confederacy, Onondaga. In addition, The Edge of Woods was and today remains a central, symbolic ceremony during the installation of a new chief Gibson A group came out from Onondaga to meet Abraham Schuyler and five other white emissaries in Wraxall The address can also be lengthy, or it can be brief.

The purpose of the Thanksgiving Address is to remind all who are present that all life is interrelated and interdependent. A translation of a Mohawk version of the first point in the Thanksgiving Address, the greetings to the people, begins with these words: Today we have gathered and we see that the cycles of life continue. We have been given the duty to live in balance and harmony with each other and all living things Swamp et al. The Thanksgiving Address is completed with the Closing Words. The reciprocity offered by the humans is respect, ceremonies, and prayers, all of which are believed to be a spiritual benefit equal to the tangible sacrifice of other beings.

The context of all this interdependence is defined as each being following the instructions of the Creator. Thus the medicine herbs are thanked, along with the women and men who know how to use the herbs: Now we turn to all the Medicine Herbs of the world. From the beginning, they were instructed to take away sickness.

They are always waiting and ready to heal us. We are happy there are still among us those special few who remember how to use these plants for healing. With one mind, we send greetings and thanks to the Medicines and to the keepers of the Medicines Swamp et al. A part of the gift that other mortal beings bring to humans is that these beings teach the humans significant lessons. Thus the deer and other animals are thanked: We gather our minds together to send greetings and thanks to all the Animal life in the world.

They have many things to teach us as people. We see them near our homes and in the deep forests. We are glad they are still here and we hope that it will always be so Swamp et al. Thanksgiving was not confined to public occasions. Every morning and every evening, the clan mothers in all of The Clearings gave thanks on behalf of all the people in their towns Fenton In The Woods, the hunters gave thanks before and after the hunt, with thanks specifically addressing those particular animals who gave their lives that day Engelbrecht —5; Bartram Venables each Haudenosaunee individual could give thanks whenever so moved.

Another method of communicating with the spiritual world was the use of tobacco, either dropped by an individual into a fire or smoked in a pipe, with the rising smoke bringing thanks up to the spiritual world Engelbrecht —60,47— Such dissension would also distract people from recognizing their spiritual obligations to be grateful to these beings. The chiefs affirmed this: We shall only have one dish or bowl in which will be placed one beaver tail and we shall all have coequal right to it, and there shall be no knife in it, for if there be a knife in it, there would be danger that it might cut some one and blood would thereby be shed Parker According to the Seneca archaeologist Arthur C.

The knife being prohibited from being placed into the dish or bowl signifies that all danger would be removed from shedding blood by the people of these different nations of the confederacy caused by differences of the right of the hunting grounds Parker Thus the entire reality for traditional Haudenosaunee is different.

The Haudenosaunee view of the landscape has always been based on the premise that both humans and non-humans are consciously interactive. The environment is interdependent spiritually as well as biologically. The entire world is alive with the spiritual energies of all these beings — deer, eagles, trout, and all others.

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Each species has its own function, assigned by the Creator, and each species has a sense of its own community. Each species has religious instructions that have been provided by the Creator and which each species is obliged to carry out. All beings are equally conscious of the other beings. There are no unconscious objects, no inferior beings. There are simply beings with different functions. In this sense, all beings, with their equal souls, are our relations, our relatives.

Communal human ethics are thus a logical extension of how the Haudenosaunee perceive a communal, interdependent world. Since the Creator filled the world with symbiotic, equal souls who nevertheless carry out specific functions, the most logical premise upon which to base an organized human community was also communal.

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The Haudenosaunee believe that individual humans and human communities must be responsible for taking actions that positively affect seven generations hence. Three major factors especially corrupted their cultural values: epidemic diseases, the beaver trade, and the American Revolution. Venables The first factor was the continuing impact of epidemic diseases, especially smallpox.

But conversions undermined traditional beliefs and the entire cultural landscape — Christianity does not allow for the equality of all life, or that all life forms possess souls. Smallpox was an epidemic disease accidentally introduced by the Europeans along the Atlantic coast. The disease quickly spread along Indian trade routes that had existed for thousands of years and linked all geographic sections of North America. The earliest known smallpox epidemic was introduced by the Spanish in and, carried along Indian trade routes, reached the Haudenosaunee by , spreading as far as the Senecas at the western end of the Confederacy Dobyns —, fn.

Smallpox was followed by other devastating epidemics during the s: typhoid, measles, bubonic plague the black death , influenza, measles, and syphilis Ramenofsky ; Thornton ; Verano and Ubelaker Syphilis, a disease which was probably a hybrid of a mild form in the Caribbean with a more virulent form from Europe, would eventually make its way into Haudenosaunee country Dobyns — But foul and improper language, which many of our [Dutch] people think amusing, they despise.

Kissing, romping, pushing, and similar playful frolicking, popularly known as petting, and other suggestive behaviour one is unlikely to see among these people. They speak scornfully of it when done in their presence. Estimates are 18 This philosophical issue pervaded European thought when the Black Death Bubonic Plague struck Europe in the late s, helping to undermine the Catholic Church and encouraging the Renaissance and, later, the Protestant Reformation. The same philosophical issue was raised by the European Jews persecuted by the Nazis.

The Final Solution in History McNeill, Plagues and Peoples More devastating epidemics followed, spreading throughout Haudenosaunee country. The losses from these epidemics were combined with losses from war. A Dutch traveler, Jasper Danckaerts, poignantly wrote in that the Haudenosaunee and other Indians are melting away rapidly. The second factor was the beaver trade. When the Haudenosaunee began hunting beavers and other fur-bearing animals as economic resources in order to obtain guns and trade goods Hunt , the reciprocal arrangement between fur-bearing animals and the Haudenosaunee was corrupted.

But guns were especially necessary because if the Haudenosaunee did not acquire them, they would be conquered by the French in Canada and the Indians allied with the French. The choice between ethics and survival is an old dilemma in all human history, and the Haudenosaunee chose survival. Moreover, one reason many Haudenosaunee became Christians was that Christianity allowed them to see fur-bearing animals as the European colonists saw them: inferior beings without souls, and thus more easily blended into pure economics. The third major factor was the American Revolution.

Yet Britain confidently transferred to the new United States all the royal claims Britain had to Haudenosaunee lands. Cabot landed in Canada in Commager —6. Supreme Court declared the right of discovery to be valid with regard to U. In , the allegedly liberal Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg specifically upheld the right of discovery in an Oneida Haudenosaunee case. Oneida Nation of New York et al. These treaties transferred most of the Haudenosaunee lands to New York State — most of The Woods and The Clearings New York State —; Kappler —6, 23—25, 34—39, 50—51, —, —, —, —, —, — Between and , a reformation of Haudenosaunee religion and culture helped the Haudenosaunee rebalance the values which had been nearly lost because of the excesses of the fur trade.

It also helped them recover from the American Revolution. The Haudenosaunee Reformation occurred just as their land base was being reduced to ever-smaller reservations. The Woods were now increasingly occupied by strangers. Ironically, both New York and the United States recognized the right of the Haudenosaunee to hunt, fish, travel, and trade throughout all the lands ceded to the whites. But in the Woods, the indigenous animals, fish, birds, trees, and other beings were dying off and were being replaced by the plowed fields and domesticated animals of the Americans.

Between and , a Haudenosaunee teacher, Handsome Lake Ganio dai io — , received messages from spiritual beings, and he transmitted these messages to the people. The Christian Haudenosaunee resisted, but so did those Haudenosaunee who wanted to continue the old ways. Some who opposed the teachings were accused of witchcraft.

Fear of male as well as female witches had existed among the Haudenosaunee centuries before Handsome Lake and was hardly unique to Haudenosaunee society. But in , an epidemic caused many deaths. At least one old woman was killed when Handsome Lake pointed her out during a council meeting Parker b; Wallace , — This subtle use of words is important to the contemporary Haudenosaunee.

They are confident that Handsome Lake was inspired by spiritual forces. This meant that the men would replace the women as the primary farmers Cornplanter Did this result in a loss of status for the women? An accumulation of data regarding the status and rights of Haudenosaunee individual women would conclude that each individual found their status diminished. This balance was defined within the entire communally based society. The Good Word sanctioned a redistribution of what was left of the Haudenosaunee land base. The Woods of the men was being destroyed.

A balanced society meant that the men had to have a practical function. Both the women and the men recognized the crisis, especially because the men were consuming even more alcohol than they had during the colonial period Wallace —, From a Haudenosaunee point of view, balance was maintained within the reality of new circumstances because the women continued to maintain control of The Clearings through their clans and the clan mothers, their female leaders. Furthermore, the women and the clan mothers still appointed the male chiefs, and the traditional matrilineal kinship system was continued.

In fact, nineteenth-century feminists such as Matilda Joslyn Gage in New York State observed the Haudenosaunee balance of women and men and concluded admiringly that Haudenosaunee women enjoyed far more rights than white American women Wagner ; Wagner ; Gage , — Factions among the Haudenosaunee fought on both the British and Patriot sides during the Revolution, and after the war many of the pro-British faction removed to Canada.

Then, in the decades 23 For example, see Wallace 57— Previously, women did perform abortions using a now-unknown herb. Thus reservations of various Haudenosaunee nations can now be found in New York, Quebec, Ontario, Wisconsin, and Oklahoma Hauptman x [map] and xi [map].

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Archaeology and Preservation of Gendered Landscapes Archaeology and Preservation of Gendered Landscapes
Archaeology and Preservation of Gendered Landscapes Archaeology and Preservation of Gendered Landscapes
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Archaeology and Preservation of Gendered Landscapes Archaeology and Preservation of Gendered Landscapes
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